Showing posts with label Welsh culture. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Welsh culture. Show all posts

Wednesday, January 28, 2015

Gruff Rhys' "American Interior": Book + Music Review


At twenty-one, John Evans left his Welsh farm. Arriving in Baltimore in 1792, he set off from the Alleghany Mountains into uncharted heartland. He sought a lost tribe of Welsh Indians.

His distant descendant by a maternal uncle, Welsh musician Gruff Rhys, is best known for his singing and songwriting as a founder of Super Furry Animals, and currently as a solo artist and a member of Neon Neon. Long intrigued by his forebear, Rhys pursues Evans' path on an ambitious 2012 "investigative concert tour" up the great rivers of Mid-America into the Great Plains. It's all documented in a "psychedelic historic travelogue", an album, a film directed by Dylan Goch, and a bilingual app mingling these media from Penguin (the last not made available for this review).

"It sounds like a joke: here were a Scotsman and a Welshman employed by a Spanish king, leading a boat full of French speakers into the precarious tribal waters of the Mississippi." Furthermore, John Evans sought to rid the West of the British, reach the Pacific, capture a unicorn, grab a seashell or two as proof, and then return for a two-thousand peso reward from Spanish Louisiana's governor, at a time when British Canada threatened to sweep south into Mexico, after French Canada succumbed to the British Empire, and as the American expansion under Thomas Jefferson eyed territory which the Spanish feared losing.

Into this geopolitical arena, young Evans entered. For five years, he mapped many blank spots and tried to verify what Rhys rightly calls the "most useful invention" of Prince Madoc. Supposed to have arrived from Wales in 1170 and rumored to have spawned a clan of Welsh-speaking natives who mingled with, or were, the Mandan of the present-day Dakota states, Madoc's reputation endured. In colonial America, a few Welsh emigrants swore they had met tribesmen who answered them in their common language. Rhys labels these as "ear-witness accounts". He explains how these settlers made Madoc "a tangible hero" among those pioneers who confused, for example, Kentucky's "Padoucas" with the supposedly Welsh "Magodwys" who had perpetuated their customs in Native America. This legend had persisted from Elizabethan times. Madoc's landfall (purported at Mobile Bay, Alabama) was appropriated by the English Crown, in a concerted effort to concoct noble lineage and irrefutable prior proof that the British could lay claim to the continent their forays now forced open to conquest.

As a Welsh speaker, Rhys brings the advantage of judging not only the discredited claims for Madoc, but providing comparisons between Welsh and Native American predicaments. Both communities feature indigenous speakers of a threatened language and ancient culture. Both face a relentless pressure which shoves the natives off their homeland, erases names and memories, and which forces their political assimilation. Evans, after all, proved no friend of the British. In 1793, he had been imprisoned by the Spanish in St. Louis, who feared either an American agent or a British spy. As a patriotic Welshman, he favored American claims to the New World's frontier. But he defected on the western side of the Mississippi River to the Spanish, becoming their citizen, so as to finance a 1795 expedition. Spain wished to fend off any British takeover west of their great river border. Spain had taken vast territories from the French, and soon Spain was at war with the British again in Europe.

So, the Spanish authorities sent Evans upriver to drive off the British who infiltrated into the Midwest across a contested Canadian frontier. Evans proves in Rhys' wry telling "responsibly delusional". He charted (but did not understand the sight of) volcanoes and veered from crocodiles. He survived passing through the lands of twelve tribes of hostile reputation, and an assassination attempt by a British operative from Canada. A skilled cartographer, after nine months in the Dakotas, the diligent emigrant Evans in conscientious fashion ultimately failed to match the Mandan evidence with any Magodwys of Madoc's purported lineage. By winter of 1796, Evans turned back from near Canada when his funds ran out and weather blocked his progress westward. His luck appeared to run out, too.

Yet, his mission paid off a few years later. Evans' hosts among the Mandan and guides from the Arikara told him what he needed to draw the first map of the source of the Missouri River. He noted the presence of what we call Yellowstone, and indicated how the Rockies comprised not one but three tiers of mountain ranges. This information enabled William Clark to plot the correct course when he and Meriwether Lewis planned and carried out their own venture less than a decade after Evans.

Rhys tracks Evans on his journey, even if his firsthand manuscripts have been lost and we must rely on those who met with him, corresponded, and copied his discoveries into their own reports. In turn, Rhys largely follows Gwyn A. "Alf" Williams' similarly lively Madoc: The Making of a Myth (1979). Williams, a Marxist historian and Welsh republican, proved a masterful interpreter in print and on film of this controversial topic, debunking persistent claims by a few Celtic romantics convinced of Madoc's existence, but Rhys appears in two places I spot-checked to repeat Williams' minor errors. For example, neither the self-styled Muskogee chief, William Bowles, nor the flamboyant double- or triple-agent Brigadier General James Wilkinson were Irishmen. Both were born in colonial Maryland.

In his own account, Rhys discusses his musical interpretation of Evans' undertaking sporadically. Although Rhys is on the road as not only an adventurer and interviewer but as a working musician, a reader needs a wider sense of how this "investigative concert tour" succeeded. Mentions of appearances, scattered lyrics, and a few comments from fans gain transcription. Rhys sees the sights and relates folksy or impassioned chats. The best of these happen on the prairies with native activists, and in Louisiana among voudou haunts. But many other places blur. Some characters barely register.

Therefore, the film (to be released on DVD April 18, 2015, in the U.S.) and the album fill in what the book may allude to or skim past. Rhys' PowerPoint presentation for American audiences, his rock songs worked out on the road, and his interviews (some with English subtitles, as the documentary aired on SC/4, the Welsh-language BBC channel) enrich the experience as he retraces Evans' steps.

The concept album, appropriately homespun and often acoustic-based, but also cinematic in scope, compliments the print version. "100 Unread Messages" lists Evans' itinerary in jaunty verse. "His mind was baked just like a cake as trouble gathered 'round." It's impressive to merge Evans' accomplishments into a skiffle song, in far less than five minutes, too. The melodic "The Weather (Or Not)", "Liberty," the title track, and the spacier "The Last Conquistador" and "Lost Tribes" mix the moods familiar to Super Furry Animals' fans, spiced by varied sonic textures, sprinkled with electronics and smooth vocals. Rhys always stands out singing in his first language. "Allweddellau Allweddol" (roughly "Keyboard Key") emits childlike native, tribal chants, wrapped into an experimental tune. "The Swamp" layers keyboards and processed beats, akin to his SFA and his three past solo albums. While some of this album floats along into its plush surroundings and threatens to drift away, the storyline manages to transfer Evans' vision into digital files through Rhys' skill in multimedia. These sixteen tracks can stand apart from the book or film, but Rhys' triple telling deserves full exposure.
(The film's trailer typifies the visual presentation; so does the array of platforms on the project site and, from the album itself, the title track video.)

"Iolo" gallops along as if a string-sweetened, synthesizer-warbling soundtrack for Evans' wild flight, when he was chased away by the Lakota. An anthemic "Walk into the Wilderness" precedes the pedal-steel, country-tinged musings on "Year of the Dog" and "Tiger's Tail". These demonstrate Rhys' knack for converting pop tropes into lush arrangements that try to evade predictability or repetition. "That's Why" picks up the pace, helped by guest drummer from The Flaming Lips, Kliph Scurlock. "Sugar Insides" resembles the Lips' congenial eclecticism, in fact. "Cylchdro Amser" (roughly "Circle Time") appropriately spins beyond temporal limits Rhys measures, as Evans' life orbits away.

Nobody knows what Evans looked like. So, Rhys in typically sly fashion commissions a three-foot "John the Avatar" as a felt doll. Rhys carries it with him as he traces Evans' five-year quest into the northwest as it was known, or not known yet, to Europeans. Intriguing vignettes parallel Evans' separation from his society, as Rhys encounters contemporary folks, native and other Americans, who warn of global warming and corporate control. A few still seek solace on the river, or in a simpler existence lived off of the grid, away from the urban gridlock. At one point, so far removed in places a map had yet to fill in, Evans was the most isolated white man on the entire continent, Rhys reckons it.

Throughout, as Rhys shows in genial but earnest manner, Evans faced challenges as he tried to prove what reality showed as false. Madoc was verified as only myth, when the Mandan failed to chatter in Evans' first language of Welsh. The dream ended, Evans returned on a sixty-eight day voyage down the Missouri River, 1800 miles to St. Louis. He tried working as a surveyor, but the fractious territory bristled with Frenchmen abandoned by their nation's loss to Britain. The Spanish tried to keep their hold on a region where the Americans and the British infiltrated to assert their own imperial claims. This left Evans no opportunity for an easy occupation. Rhys tries to track down Evans' ultimate fate.

In New Orleans, where Evans was monitored by a suspicious Spanish governor uneasy to let such a skilled frontiersmen loose in dangerous times to spill his secrets to a rival power, he succumbed to delirium by 1799. Whether due to depression after his long adventure's denouement, malaria, alcohol, or more than one cause, Evans met a humble and early end. No grave remains. Most documents in his own hand probably were thrown overboard by pirates looting the ship on which the Spanish, departing after the Louisiana Purchase, had loaded up treasures to safeguard in their Florida redoubt. While Evans' tale has been scrutinized by previous scholars, Rhys admits he has found a bit to add to Evans' saga, given their common language, and thanks to Rhys' recent archival research in Seville.

Out of his thin family tie, on a search for origins, Rhys connects with Evans poignantly. It's in an eerie, prescient form left for the reader, listener, or viewer to witness. (Here, I prefer the book to the film, as it evokes more sensitively Rhys' epiphany as he seeks Evans' final destination, if he rests near the site of New Orleans' notorious Storyville.) Beforehand, in a meeting conveyed well on both page and screen, Rhys visits Keith Bear, a Mandan flute player. Bear envisions the fabled dragon of the Welsh flag as combining mythic with real, out of a creature half-earth and half-air. Truths conjured from fables create their own power, spurring Evans and Rhys on to cross paths with native tribes, once hoped for as evidence of a utopian, hybrid heritage. The Welsh imagined a few natives in America had forged a congenial community and that they had lived as inheritors of Welsh customs, for hundreds of years. Out of such suppositions, the true and the imaginary create a kind of "common" sense, even if this conceit fails as commonsense. This expresses an elusive awareness beyond mere fact. In American Interior's multimedia endeavor, as innovative as an app, as venerable as an old map inspiring an epic, Gruff Rhys honors his ancestor, Ieuan ab Ifan (renamed John Evans by the English), as natives do. Rhys and Evans share, two centuries apart, a tribal Welsh vision quest.
Project's website
Artist's website
(This appeared on PopMatters 12-18-14 as "A Multimedia Tale of a Welsh Vision Quest")

Thursday, December 4, 2014

High Plains Drifter


 
It took a long time for the outskirts of exurban Colorado Springs to fade, only to have what was once a small town of Falcon rise on its northern edges as vast subdivisions. These, as we headed east, multiplied but also morphed. Around areas as diverse as Rapid City, Bismarck, Fargo, South Bend, Elkhart, Dayton, Cincinnati, Louisville, Memphis, Little Rock, Tulsa, Amarillo, Albuquerque (whew) they rose as typical stucco crammed into highway-adjacent pens. But in the forests near Ada, Michigan, home of Amway, or the way into Holly Springs, Mississippi, the many "wooded lots on one acre" showed with lawns and McMansions behind trees fronting the highways or byways, pricier.

In far less populated areas (at least until the Colorado Front Range keeps expanding), we found flatness in land but twangs in accents. First in the exotically named hamlet of Simla.where at the Hen House we lunched. I had to learn that the veggie option contains my hated foe, lettuce. The humble place commemorates the hill station made famous by Kipling in India. The town's founder's daughter in the 1880s had read a book set there. Despite its miniscule population, it's won many state high school championships. We passed motor courts and humble church fronts, and I could not tell if either were open for business off-season, in the somnolent setting. Hunting and fishing seemed popular, if not at the moment. We would passed hunters arrayed for action soon. The chatter of the three men behind us at our late meal, three o'clock, made me wonder if they were done for the day; they spoke of many other places I'd seen on the excellent Colorado State map, of concrete poured, of construction in progress on those roads, of schools and houses remodeled. I tried when leaving to usher a persistent fly outside, but the waitress assured me he and his ilk liked the sunbathing. We were over six thousand feet, but felt none of the altitude. Odd to be so high up in a flat landscape.

Luckily, informed with a AAA guide, I was corrected after thinking that a more southerly route from Colorado up through Kansas and Nebraska at Burlington might be at this time of year open. To my regret, the carousel at the Kit Carson County Fairgrounds was closed, and nothing else in the whole eastern half of the Centennial State appealed. Instead, we moved up through the woebegone Limon (prison, as Layne had watched on Lockup and/or Lockdown) through the blip that is Last Chance on a very straight county road. The terrain was flat by Rockies comparison, sure, but not as much as I figured. Only in the Dakotas did it start to assume the Midwestern eidetic image I'd always assumed.

It dipped over small hills, down into little gullies, and the clouds separated. Past Sterling, with another giant prison south of the interstate, we veered into Nebraska. The wind picked up. Recalling an account by William T. Vollmann in his travelogue of life with what used to be called hobos, Riding Toward Everywhere, I thought a visit to North Platte, with the biggest yard in the country might be fun, and to give Layne a chance to get some footage from atop Union Pacific's Golden Spike Tower.

The same old sprawl of the less nostalgic type of neon, the retail chains, the bright glare of lights, the cars and trucks clogged the streets, and despite the city's relative smallness, it can be a jolt to enter such after hundreds of miles of few Simlas amid empty lanes. We were off the main drag, for once, and away from the interstate, in perhaps the only accommodation so situated. The avuncular, affable man with a great white mustache, shades of the Old West, and a marked accent compared to the lack of such we have, signed us in at America's Best Value Inn. He recalled his years at Camp Pendleton, when, as often, we were asked our hometown and why we happened to be passing through where we wound up, or where we'd intended. We petted his black cat (Halloween neared). I missed again Gary.

A flyswatter was on the wall of the room, over the calendar, and inspirational paragraphs out of the time Dos Passos and Sinclair Lewis thrived were taped nearby. The room was clean and the night cold. In the morning, we ate our instant oatmeal after making respectively our coffee and tea in the boiler. Layne had been apprehended, or at least the mechanism resembling to TSA x-rays a suspect device, at LAX. This attested to her determination to have her caffeine, abetted by that in any hotel.

Next morning, Layne went into a bank. I sat in the car, studying the AAA map. An older man walked by the Prius' open door, wishing me "howdy." I replied, surprised. Students stationed or coming from the Midwest had remarked on how this civility is common other than in California. This was my first random instance, and as I recall in retrospect, the last spontaneous greeting outside of a commercial transaction. As the Golden Spike would not open for a few minutes, we walked around the old downtown, under towering grain elevators, past a barber shop, a dilapidated theater, a closed attempt at a hotel and cafe with a dot.com address still in the faded window, a few straggly shops, and the abandoned depot which once saw off thousands who came in briefly and then departed from the USO station in WWII, soldiers and sailors filled with donuts and coffee by North Platte's local ladies.  We learned that story at the museum at the foot of the seven-story tower over the rail yard, in turn overlooking cornfields. We looked down as a tractor cut into the corn, readying a Halloween maze.

Off to the grasslands. Prompted by guidebooks promising a scenic byway, we angled up stark roads--grandly called the Glenn Miller Memorial Highway--into the least populated stretches of our entire journey. The first long haul took us over more dips and rises, over rivers with French or simple declamatory names. Every half hour, a settlement survived; barns and collapsed dwellings proved the loss of people. I noted on the map how tiny Tryon, which we passed through, had a courthouse and seemed the only real town in a county; the next one over, the likely even smaller Arthur, had only one town and no other. Who worked there, who lived there, and how did they rotate any jury duty? Was it a safe place to wrangle a government-paid sinecure no matter what, or a bad one during a downturn?

Descending into the relatively large small town of Mullen, with a golf course, we turned left to join State Highway 2. This traversed the center of Nebraska, into its panhandle. I suppose in spring it must be lush, for the photos showed green and mauve fields to the horizon. Now, it was grey but still handsome prairie. Grazing land here and there, but often no sign of humans save the asphalt. Spaced out along the stretch, again out of Google Maps range, accompanied often by the sight of a river, this may have been the longest span I'd covered in years without logos, no apparent commerce roadside, and outposts of human life delayed over many miles. Cattle surely outnumbered ambulant citizens.

After Whitman, sandhills grew more dramatic with ups and downs. Dos Passos' tale as dramatized by David Drummond continued, and we passed Hyannis, Ashby, Ellsworth as little specks, apparently stops once for the Burlington Railroad. As Union Pacific has its crucial fueling center in North Platte, so that smaller line has Alliance. You can see its motto on its municipal website: "Building the Best Hometown in America" [TM] Yelp guided us to eat at Newberry's in what was once part of the corner store of that name, which once you could find in many such small towns. The rail and the presence of rivers, rich fields for potatoes and sunflowers, and the giant lots for homesteaders kept it prosperous.

This from the city website, early on in its history: "One of the areas {sic} worst problems was created with the need for teachers. The school board soon discovered any young female was quickly married. For a time, school boards even publicized in Eastern newspapers for young women of plain and homely countenance to come West and teach. But even the less beautiful married quickly. Frustrated school boards then hit upon another solution. Contracts often included a clause preventing a teacher from marrying for two years. For its time, a restrictive but necessary clause." Thus the town thrived.

We wandered after our sandwiches (a not-homely if young waitress chatted with us about California as the locals, who all naturally knew each other, passed the warm afternoon by, when Cornhusker gear was commonly worn) around its tidy downtown: courthouse, bank, storefronts. We did not go to the Carnegie Library turned art museum, as we had to head by day's end over into South Dakota.

The first of three places we'd visit where healing waters would be claimed, the waitress told us about the indoor water slide and baths at historic Hot Springs. We stayed south of another picturesque place trying to hold on, at least off-season. Gateway to the site of the first road-trip in the nation, most likely, the center had scads of sandstone buildings across from a pretty river which fed the springs. But many facades harbored nothing but glass and space. Where we stopped at an ATM, surly local kids kicked their way down the road, in shirtsleeves despite the chillier weather (a phenomenon we'd regard with awe as we drifted across the plains down into Minnesota and Illinois and Wisconsin). They seemed already tipsy, before nightfall, but maybe Halloween's imminence was to blame.

Sonny's Shur-Rite Market, the first stop for such entering the town from the south, challenged us. Fresh fare for non-beef eaters in this expanse narrows options immediately. The local cans Crow's Peak IPA, pleased us, but Layne had to draw on her secondhand prison cooking skills to heat the frozen spinach, pasta, and canned tuna she'd meant to cook in the microwave of our cabin, a bunkhouse on a real working quarterhorse ranch off Highway 71 (the same one we'd traveled on way down in Colorado before we shifted into the Cornhusker State). For, the wonderful dwelling for all its charm lacked that amenity. Layne had to use the boiler to improvise a meal, that hungry as we were we scarfed down. The ranch had been built up over twenty-two years by John, an engineer from Chicago who bought a decaying homestead and then designed his own house, buildings imitating those in a Western movie, and the bunkhouse, full of cowboy memorabilia arranged practically (horseshoes for hooks) and cleverly (a pinup cowgirl poster on the underside of a bunk). John had lived in a trailer on the property, a quarter-mile from the highway, and we relished its neighing quiet.

No fault to it, as after all it was a real and not a dud or dude ranch, with pastures and manure outside the back window, but the flies inside overwhelmed me. I spent a time reminiscent of "I killed seven with one blow" from "The Brave Little Tailor" tale. But by day two, I'd eradicated the insect menace.

We were joshed by our host--"daylight's burning up"--when we emerged after road trip weariness nearing noon by the time we aimed to set out. Our plans to visit the town center, however, narrowed as nothing there seemed open. We were delayed more by a stint on the benches in the pink-painted laundromat, one of two next to each other in the town. That may be why it was for sale, reduced from $275 to $219k. The wi-fi password, when I asked the (grand?)daughter of the woman I guessed the laundromat's seller, was "salvation." Tracts nestled in the racks, along with a few ragged magazines. I did Duolingo to catch up on French as I try to do daily, the past year-plus since I visited Quebec.

In South Dakota, given the off-season, Wind Cave National Park was closed for tours. Anyway, Layne wisely refused any theoretical crawl into slime and wet deep below. Entry by the gravel road (John recommended it but we lacked his high pickups with four-wheel drive) through Custer State Park would slow us down too much by sunset, given the shift to shorter days and northern latitudes.

We stayed on the scenic loop, and kept to a slow pace, for more than one reason, but at least the inclines balanced declines, and the speed limit was doubly appropriate. No entry fee (nobody there) cheered me anyhow, as did bison, close-up enough for satisfaction, believe me, on nearly barren byways. Prairie dogs, discerned once you stared at dirt that camouflaged them next to their burrows, scurried. Bighorn sheep were rumored, but not seen. We enjoyed the roads, but anxiety as Layne demurred from my advice to gas up in Hot Springs grew, for the bar lowered to one on the dash.

We paid fifty cents more per gallon than we would have by the time we hit Keystone. Eerie, as if a plague had struck. Imagine a whole block and two of souvenir shops and hotels totally devoid of a people presence. But the pump still took our cards in zombieland, and we had to fill up, dutifully.  All the same, we liked the pigtail turns that were arranged to frame Mount Rushmore ahead. These distinguish Iron Mountain Road as engineered under the urging of Senator Peter Norbeck. At an outlook named after him, you can admire the view, and we were content with it, for the light near dusk did not allow a true definition of the state's license plate slogan, "Big Faces, Great Spaces." All we could discern was Washington's nose and some of his profile; the other three stayed in shadow.

The stirring end-of-1941 prose on the marker for the Mount fit Dos Passos' patriotic register, from a war earlier. You can read here how the waymark has praised the sculptor, Gutzon Borglum. Despite my weariness at the state of our nation, where the predictions of Republicans less amenable to environmental protection or true populism than principled Norbeck drowned the previous week's Ebola scares, I was moved by the rhetoric, perhaps more than by the loss of such eloquence now than the content. I prefer my hillsides left intact; the sad news when I got home revealed no less than three new homes on my street to be constructed, tripling the amount when we moved in 22 years ago.

We drove back down intending to find the Needles Highway portion and its narrow passages through rock faces, but suddenly the road ended without warning. I found out a few days later, browsing the Rapid City paper, that this blockade had frustrated other drivers who refused to turn back. Apparently the published date of November as the time the road is shut off was not followed, for it was still, if barely, October, and already, the unannounced barrier had caused hard feelings and scofflaws locally.

There was still light enough to make out the tiny head of Crazy Horse in the distance. It is the visible start of a monument intended to commemorate the other side, literally and symbolically, of Rushmore. Funded by the Lakota (not Sioux, which I learned on this trip garbles "little serpents" from their Ojibway enemies; the tribes naturally prefer to be known as Lakota, Dakota--both mean "allies"--or Oglala et al.), a few miles south from Rushmore, that memorial, already with light shows and concerts, will dwarf the four presidents. I have mixed feelings. I understand the indigenous spirit and sympathize with its assertion. The fact the State Park's named after Custer may or not be a posthumous tribute. But the reason the General's presence predates his demise takes the blame for the tribal resentment. Custer and his men occupied the uncharted Black Hills when gold was discovered there in 1874. This mightily angered the Lakota who held this ground as sacred. The resulting rush into the region by whites worsened tensions. However, if land is sacred (new Grand Canyon subdivisions on or next to Hualapai and Navajo tribal lands come to mind on ground held to be "where life begins"), it baffles me how exploitation of such for raw alteration is construed as appropriate. It comes down to control and power. The Feds bankrolled Mt. Rushmore and that's an imposition. The Lakota then rally for a counter-monument to their warrior to redress their local loss.

Yet given the massive design vs. how little has been dynamited and shaped so far, I may never see this. If I did not know Crazy Horse's head was evident, I might never have noticed it. And who's to say it's any different than Rushmore, that shrine familiar to all of us? By the way, if you've seen that represented, you've seen a much larger view than that afforded the driver by or roadside gawker up.

Speaking of pop cultural trends, the next day we had to leave the horses behind. We took the faster highway into the boomtown of Rapid City (before which we passed three giant white plaster busts of Kennedy, Lincoln and one other dead prez), and in which there's a Mobil station with an adjoining taxidermy display, where I wished we'd have fueled up. We did in Sturgis, the site of the mass motorcycle rally, near Deadwood. Tellingly, throughout much of this heartland, so full of riggers, bikers, truckers, and rebels I reckon, you see stickers on gas pumps warning of video surveillance and the dire penalties exacted on those who pump and don't pay. Some welcome. The wide highways to and from Deadwood attest to its popularity, and probably all those bikers in summer. The town itself we circled, not stopping. But I wondered, as our friend Broderick had told us of the view from high up over the canyon where the frontier slumbered at Mount Moriah cemetery. There was one sign of Jewish presence once, Goldberg's storefront, but its wooden buildings, preserved now, bore evidence of their current purpose, as gambling flourishes. After the recent election, it expanded in Deadwood.

We wanted to see, getting out of town well before another sunset, the national park at another Western site of lore, the Badlands. So, off we retraced our time on the interstate, going in the right direction, east. I was happy to leave the big rigs and frackers behind after getting tangled in traffic in the numbing bland strip malls and apartments of Rapid City, which as with so many cities no matter how venerable appeared on the highway as if built yesterday, with all the visual appeal that carries.

Taking Highway 44 down to it, through the barely-there Caputa and Farmingdale, reminiscent of Dust Bowl vignettes, we came into the Badlands from the south. Pine Ridge sounded bleak, and its own tribal center was closed. I tried the radio station mentioned in a guidebook as broadcasting in Lakota. All I got was static, and a faint sound of heavy metal bleeding in. We climbed around a scenic lookout, on a wooden platform, where you can see a table mountain 30 miles south on the reservation. John at the ranch had told us of an even better vantage point on Sheep's Mountain, but the gravel road prevented our bravery. Then we visited the interpretative center. There we learned that homesteading is tough in this moonlike, silent, beige or striped, raw and scraped clean landscape, accounting for the failure of the 160-acre plots supplanting the loss of native lands. That is, 20-30 acres per animal is needed for grazing livestock per year. Alliance's pioneers proved clever, as they moved it up to 640 acres. Which may account for the gloom surrounding Pine Ridge and Wounded Knee, and the ad I saw in South Dakota one night from the Lakota, urging teens not to consider suicide. But, consider the pride rebounding around Crazy Horse. Like slavery (even amid the festivity of Thanksgiving as Mark Twain's autobiography acerbically remarks), tribal ghosts haunt our national conscience, the reverse or negative side of patriotic emanations indelibly inscribed upon Rushmore.

Our last stop, after miles of marveling at the stillness, broken only by people like us driving across the whispering plains, reminded us of the contrasts too between the solitude of the Dakotas and the sparse presence we added to. It shows also how far one must go to retreat from the interstate hum. When we pulled into the earnestly advertised (once, many more billboards promising ice water enticed the first wayfarers along the pre-interstate in pre-air conditioned times of the Depression)
Wall Drug, we found the giant store, far larger than the original pharmacy, nearly empty. It was almost closing time. A young woman, a native American, took our order. My fish and chips totalled over ten dollars for a skimpy meal, as Layne and I had our curiosity fulfilled. Ice water is still free, but in tiny Dixie cups. We left a tip for the forlorn teenager sweeping up the enormous dining hall, and watched the short-shirtsleeve with tie no-nonsense manager scowl over his staff, which had a Southeast Asian man as another counter worker. An elderly man, another sort of native from his name tag, chatted with us as we bought a 3-D bookmark of a unicorn and a tiger for our two sons.

Nothing really appealed for us, but Layne also fell for some overpriced chokecherry jelly as a souvenir for a client; the clerk told us how his wife made the same preserves. We waited out our time but it all closed early and we headed down a cold street past fake Western fronts, past a bar or two with the inevitable football games, to the market. The interstate roared, and a pizza place (even the smallest burbs have one) sat next to a Dairy Queen. Two young men, one obese in overalls with a goatish beard, face, and gait, the other skinny and feral, bought a suitcase of something Coors and cheap, along with chewing tobacco. Then, we stocked up on a few more instant oatmeals, yogurt, pineapple, foraging for nourishment among carbs or starches. The sky turned rosy over grain towers.

On the way back, passing a small ranger station's display that revealed what to us looked like weeds and brush harbored protected grasslands, we passed Ann's Motel. It looked nicer than the chains nearer the interstate. But proprietor and her husband were at the 5 p.m. Mass at St. Patrick's, a notably ugly, squat edifice ca. 1972 in style. So, we circled Wall's streets, arousing a glance from a man unlocking the volunteer firefighter's building as we clutched our plastic bags and peered beyond the houses to the east, abutting directly on a wall, for there rose the Badlands themselves, pink dusk.

The elderly woman and her stoic husband arrived nearly fifteen minutes late. Apparently the priest got carried away with his sermon, or else gossip kept the couple at parish doors. We were about to leave, but I reasoned to Layne no other accommodation would be any better; all others abutted the noisy interstate. I still heard it, but at least a few blocks away, once our smoke-redolent room was exchanged for the one next door. No great improvement as banging kept happening behind my side of the bed from the stairwell entrance opening and closing. No breakfast either, no place to drop off the key even, but we hit north soon, and promptly left Wall's little grid and 800-odd inhabitants behind. 

Heading north, we entered the Cheyenne reservation which takes you into the north-central section of South Dakota and up into its companion state above. But you'd never know, except for small handwritten signs here and there with the names of two rival women for tribal secretary on the side of very empty county and state roads. These took us past the usual crossroads, and abandoned farms. Few seemed to stay, and their land must have expanded decades ago for grazing. At Faith, we stopped for gas. The woman told Layne to pay after filling up--the only place other than Pigeon Point or is it Piedras Blancas on the 1 north of Davenport that I think this has happened, or was it Cambria?

Four old men played cards in a side room. I waited for the bathroom along with a multi-generational family, looking as if fresh from church. We were the only whites around. The station also sold pizza on the side, if not at 9 a.m. when the time zone changed on Sunday morning, further confused by the fact that zone bisects the Dakotas along the Missouri River, down the center of the rival or companion states. The bathroom as all I entered since Canon City's prison museum was very clean. A neatly lettered sign warned us males to put up the seat, keep it tidy, and use paper towels provided. "If you make a mess, and you're married, I feel sorry for your wife," concluded the reproving message.

The air was getting colder, not that it was that warm since we'd been in Las Vegas, NM, the last real place we'd had average (for us) fall weather (and a dirty bathroom). Veering north steadily but detouring at right angles onto other roads, so as to line up with the destination a ways past Bismarck. Mullen, Flasher (all of its named roadsigns had bullet holes through one of the vowels), and McIntosh. Pride in teams, modest centers with small houses, surrounded by prairie, sometimes fields.

Mandan stretched out prettily over bridges, iron fenced spreads, and an older section of the town. It sprung up the other side of the wide river from the capital of the Peace Garden State, apparently another railroad center. More interstates and national highways, until we sauntered back and finally over the Missouri which had brought explorers in 1804 from Jefferson's Corps of Discovery. Lewis and Clark and their thirty-odd corpsmen, recruited for various trades and skills, left St. Louis and up the river found few to stop their progress as they towed or rowed their boats and 60 tons of supplies against the current. The ranger who showed us around the reconstructed fort near the river's bank, Jeff, reasoned most of the Arikara or Mandan were off hunting, rather than waiting for lookey-loos.

Finally, as winter set in, the Corps landed at the native settlement to build the fort named after the tribe, Fort Mandan. From here, they headed west to seek the Northwest Passage and a way to the Pacific, as Jefferson directed. We found at the interpretative center all about the expedition. It took the men a half-hour to pump up an air-powered rifle, showing the tedium for everyday essentials. The men had Sacagawea, a captured Shoshone, to interpret between that language further west and Mandan, which in turn her husband, trader Touissant Charbonneau, could handle along with French.

The Mandan, situated ideally at the center of the continent, traded with everyone else, and any lore about them harboring "blond" natives two-plus centuries ago may be attributed, our guide suggested after my inquiry, to the fact they had so many other tribes moving through, as well as French contact to at least the 1730s. One marvels at this Corps' train of communication into English, and how the tribes (the whites and their companions finally met some near Wyoming, showing again the vast territory and the comparatively few people populating it then, or at least those on the trail) managed to interpret the less-threatening figure of a mother with an infant she suckled, along with the white men they likely had no names for to translate yet. Or maybe so; the 1796-7 map of adventurer John Evans, given to Clark by Jefferson, prepared the way for Lewis and Clark's foray, as Evans had pursued rumors of the Mandan as "Welsh Indians." This fanciful claim about the legendary medieval voyage of Prince Madoc in 1170 persists among a few inventive Celts today, as I wrote about in 2009 on this blog. (I happen to be revisiting this as I write, reviewing Gruff Rhys' media project about a "interpretative concert tour" retracing the steps of Evans, his distant forebear, in American Interior.)

Back in 2007, I liked if did not love Brian Hall's novel "I Should Be Extremely Happy in Your Company" about the Lewis and Clark's expedition's four main protagonists, told from each of their points of view. Their determination, and as we learned from the specimens displayed and the helpful captions at the center, the Enlightenment-era angle on the expedition--the Bible was taken as a legal measure to enforce oaths and obedience, and no missionary or chaplain accompanied the men and their formidable array of carefully chosen supplies and equipment--showed Jefferson's influence. I tried on a buffalo gown. We saw the fort and learned of the lives of the men so dug in for a 1804 winter. This photo shows at its gate Layne and I ready for bear, and a blunderbuss, as day lengthened. asserting our venerable 2nd Amendment right to bear arms if not against armed bears. At the foot of the lovely river (which had obliterated the original fort in its meanderings long ago), we admired the giant one-ton statue of Seaman, Lewis' beloved Newfoundland companion. He is said to have remained loyal at the grave of Lewis, who as Hall's novel dramatizes, met a sad end in 1809.

After, we headed into Bismarck. Once more Layne's refusal to get gas (at Washburn when I suggested) turned us into a downhill, luckily, ride into that boomtown. It went on forever, echoes of Williston's fracking frenzy and housing shortages. Around us where we finally fueled up, dirty trucks and spattered truckers showed the current types of expeditions North Dakota's known for, and why we kept traveling until Jamestown, further east, so as to find a relatively rare hotel room at Days Inn.

There, closed in by welcome corridor from the cold, we settled in after a meal at Buffalo City Diner in the historic core of Jamestown, a district similar in size and feel to North Platte. We tried the Fargo Oktoberfest brew, I had walleye in batter, a local specialty, and the game played on the big screen in a large space converted from a bank. By the time we left around 8 p.m., the hip coffeehouse across the street had closed. Not much else to report, and in the morning, election projections replacing Ebola scares, we left behind the Dakotas at Fargo itself for the Land of 10,000 Lakes, over another big river.

Sunday, November 25, 2012

"Wales Is Our Concern": 2 books on Welsh Nationalism


I examine two titles about 20th century efforts, one by a prominent novelist, the other by a shadowy faction, to rouse English-speaking Welsh citizens to fight, by mostly peaceful but sometimes violent means in the latter case, for their cultural, linguistic, and territorial survival. Originally, this was composed in 2009 for the journal Epona: A Journal of Ancient and Modern Celtic Studies, but as that publication appears in hiatus, I preserve my critique here in the meantime.

(Diane Green, Emyr Humphreys: A Postcolonial Novelist?
Cardiff: University of Wales Press, 2009.
290 pp. 978-0-7083-2217-8. £19/€20/$25.
John Humphries, Freedom Fighters?: Wales's Forgotten “War”, 1963-1993.
Cardiff: University of Wales Press, 2008.
228 pp. 978-0-7083-2177-5. £20/€21/$25)

 


Can one "speak Welsh in English?" Embattled cultural and linguistic identities from Wales conveyed through our dominant language capture this novelist's struggle for articulation. Diane Green, basing this on her doctoral thesis on "narrative patterning," stops in 1998, but five decades out of the six that still see him writing provide plenty, given his steady output for a man born in 1919, for her study.

Its postcolonial contexts comprise the theoretical foundations for Green's explanations of how myth-- not only Celtic but Etruscan, set in Wales but also in Tuscany and Benin-- combines with history, often filtered via discontented intellectual males caught between a secularized homeland and relentless anglicization. How can one live in Wales as Welsh? His breakthrough novel, A Toy Epic, (1958) contrasts the rural, impoverished religious pacifist Iorwerth with Albie the ambitious, assimilating, Marxist emigrant, and Michael as uprooted intellectual.

Humphreys given his own status as a teacher and BBC producer may represent a combination of Michael's social mobility with Iorwerth's organic and linguistic allegiances. Learning Welsh as a young man, inspired as a teenager by the Penyberth burning of the bombing station by three Welsh activists in 1936, Humphreys chose to write in English to educate and appropriate the best of what Welsh identity could transmit to a wider audience. Green emphasizes the difficulty of using the "language of the oppressor" (15) to proclaim the "language of the tribe" (12). Fiction offers, citing Humphreys, a "supranatural language which is detached from the cultural problem" as "one of the escape routes" (27). The tension between "his political ideals and his creative talents" energized his long series of novels in which he delved into the same conflicts within his Welsh characters.

This entry in the Writing Wales in English series expects close familiarity with a body of work not well known even within Britain. His books from 1946 to 1991 were printed in London. However, as the 1990s progress his new novels get published only in Wales, and his older ones depend on reissues by the University of Wales Press. Humphreys may have sensed this fall-off in broader support when in 1987 he wrote an essay "The third difficulty."

He explains how he chose the role of "People's Remembrancer." He gives his readers the feeling of Welsh through English. He uses the novel, already feared as giving way to other mass media, as his method of proclamation. He figures that Welsh culture within British society for him can best be transmitted by fiction. Still, confronted with a formidable series of interlinked novels demanding considerable grounding in mythic archetypes, the result of a small-press minimal audience for his works may not be surprising.

Bonds of Attachment (1991) includes episodes from the controversy over the investiture of Charles Windsor in 1969. This novel offers rich material for investigation, but Green prefers to pursue the mythic and historiographic aspects. She largely limits her study to postcolonial theory. Given this book presumably represents a revision of her dissertation and not a reproduction of it, this narrowed focus may not satisfy a reader seeking cultural relevance as well as critical theory.

Green elides a more pressing and less academic application. This analysis lacks attention to the political contexts in Wales at this time when the Penyberth impact, however long delayed, threatened to burst into renewed protests. These continued what Saunders Lewis, at Penyberth in 1936, called upon his countrymen to continue, and they broke his heart when none rose up. This episode was fictionalized in Humphreys' début The Little Kingdom (1946).

The complexities of a peaceful Christian ethos that may have led to the relative marginalization of Welsh republicanism as opposed to its physical-force Irish variety surely must have factored into Humphreys' fiction more than Green's work establishes in a few asides, mostly very early on. While the slow disintegration of non-conformist religious conventions surrounds Outside the House of Baal (1965), the pacifism and Christian idealism Humphreys shared with Lewis and other nationalists appears very muted in Green's critique. For study in literary criticism, her book fills a need. But it may leave an inquirer still wondering about Humphreys' semi-imaginary plots in relationship to the real-life Welsh predicaments faced by his neighbors and colleagues and readers since Penyberth. Three decades of frustration erupted into protests in 1969.

Bombings, jailings, censorship, arson against holiday and second-homes, marches demanding rebellion, calls against terrorism: these rocked Wales if on a small scale the past few decades. This is where the force of myth, after all, lands heaviest. History as lived and not only dramatized must run through Humphreys' work, determined as it is to convey Welsh implicated in postcolonial society. The subject of Green's work deserved more attention as a chronicler of these decades.  The Taliesin Tradition (1989) delves into the place of Welsh nationality within culture and language; Green understandably concentrates on the novels rather than this elegant study, but if she had expanded its role as a summation of Humphreys' ideological evolution, it would have enriched her theoretical and literary bases.

How did Humphreys invest his energy-- not only as mythologized, historically framed, or channeled overseas-- within his fictional inquiries about his native land under such pressures? Did Humphreys weary of protest and step aside into fiction as an escape? Did this "supranational language" succeed or fail him over half a century's output? How did his Welsh colleagues and English critics react to his efforts over these changing decades? What growth or retraction did his readership show? Her book elides such questions; it leaves one wondering the worth of some installments in a long series of demanding novels for an apparently small audience. 


Perhaps more immediacy comes not in novels, but what the news reports, or does not report, as John Humphries' Freedom Fighters?: Wales's Forgotten “War”, 1963-1993 narrates, starting with his walk-on role as a Cardiff Western Mail night-desk editor who took a call one night in 1966 that explosives were set at Clywedog reservoir. These detonations signalled that the spirit of Saunders Lewis would lead to the practical action and symbolic resistance begun at Penyberth. Thirty years on, protests against the British presence would reignite.

Nationalism revived in the early 1960s; postcolonialism proved more than theory. Underdeveloped, made redundant by mine closures, exploited, ignored, Welsh natives resented the English thirst for water. So close to Liverpool, the reservoir at Tryweryn inundated the village of Capel Celyn near Bala. In 1963, three men gathered to detonate the transformers. They represented Mudiad Amddiffyn Cymru, the Movement for the Defence of Wales (MAC).

MAC2, for Clywedog slightly reformed after its original members went to ground, continued what the Free Wales Army (FWA) then propagandized as a counterpart to Breton and especially Irish republicans. One of the bombers, Welsh-speaking farmer Owen Williams, had to flee during the mid-1960s to Ireland, to evade police capture. There, the FWA made contacts with Irish republicans. 

This episode has given rise to legendary tales that the Marxist-directed IRA sold off its arms to the Welsh, leaving the Irish ill-prepared to fight back when “the Troubles” returned three years later. Yet, Humphries downplays the actual exchanges of weaponry or explosives. Denis Coslett attracted too much attention to the FWA. He boasted of killer Alsatians ready for suicide missions, and he courted John Summers, a journalist inveigled in the fight for funds for the victims of the Aberfan coal-tip disaster in 1966. Summers appears to have finagled himself on behalf of the FWA to demand redress for the Aberfan claimants. Curiously, Humphries—who reveals Summers informed the authorities about his Welsh activist contacts-- ignores Summers’ 1970 paperback, The Disaster -- slightly revising his 1969 potboiler The Edge of Violence -- which dramatizes Summers’ involvement in Aberfan and sensationalizes the potential of FWA rebellion. 

The media, quick to leap on connections claimed (if satirized by such as Summers) between Fenians and Welsh hotheads, brought the Special Branch, founded to fight against Irish republicans a century earlier, to arrest and jail many innocent nationalists. Both the activists and the authorities stoked the fires that threatened, as the investiture of Charles Windsor as “prince of Wales” loomed in 1969, to kindle militarism in Wales similar to the Irish resurgence.

Humphries cites John Jenkins that Seán MacStiofáin, in 1968 soon to be “the founder of the breakaway Provisionals,” took from Jenkins the concept of a cellular structure for the PIRA. The conversion of the Provos to this non-hierarchical organisation took place nearly ten years later, after MacStiofáin had stepped down from his leadership role. Whatever impact Jenkins’ model had on the Irish campaign appears indirect and at considerable remove. 

This episode of Irish-Welsh contacts remains little investigated in Humphries’ book, perhaps due to reticence from those involved, perhaps out of a legend inflated out of a few casual contacts. This topic merited more attention. The pan-Celtic and Welsh countercultural milieus in which pop and folk musicians along with language activists revived political radicalism likewise gain scant coverage here. 

Any pan-Celtic contentions in Humphries' account stint on the details of what such alliances sought. He barely quotes from Roy Clews' To Dream of Freedom (1980 ed. cited; but rev. 2001). Humphries  glosses over Keith Griffiths (Gethin ap [ab?]Iestyn)  in his roles as propagandist for the Patriotic Front and Cofiwn. (Not to mention his role, recalling Emyr Humphries’ commemorative stance, via Gethin’s spirited website and republican-related archives at Welsh Remembrancer.) 

Such scarcity of firsthand testimony may also reflect a largely more self-effacing Welsh movement determined to avoid infiltration and informers, which had repeatedly weakened their Irish counterparts. The Welsh campaign’s two spokesmen tended towards grandiosity, while its operatives kept hidden. Griffiths, Jenkins, and a few others, perhaps no more than twenty-five identified members of the FWA, fronted a silent majority of grassroots sympathisers. Detectives were clueless about many who fought back. The authorities fumbled and followed many false trails. 

The FWA was “living on a legend of newspaper cuttings,” Griffiths admitted to its “commandant” Cayo Evans. (qtd. 98) Humphries compares their outbursts to a flailing by “a drowning man.” He lashes out in desperation to alert those long assimilated, too long complacent to danger from constant English in-migration and Welsh abandonment of its heritage. (65) 

This small band of Welshmen, some far more anglicized than Welsh-speaking, also split along political vs. linguistic necessities for their strategy to revive their embattled land’s culture. Luckily, a visit from “Red” Rudi Dutschke with MAC2 was aborted; British surveillance expelled him before links between German revolutionaries could be forged. Coslett and Evans, the self-proclaimed leaders, by their love of the limelight brought Griffiths to warn them of their antics. “There is nothing substantial behind us at all,” he warned in a letter found in a police raid at Evans’ farmhouse. (qtd. 98) 

Did these “freedom fighters” valiantly sustain the example of Penyberth’s fire-setting trio against the British bomber station on venerated Welsh land? Or, did they perpetuate the futile gestures of desperate cultural nationalists driven to protest the only way they could for attention, faced with an indifferent audience of those who had surrendered to the English incursion and the Welsh erosion? 

Early on Humphries pins blame. “But while the campaign of violent direct action had its genesis in nationalist virtues and goals, it was the failure of the patriotic foot soldiers to articulate their cause that allowed government to marginalize Welsh extremism as the action of crazed fanatics.” (15-16)

Two activists blew themselves up the night before the investiture ceremony; the bomb went off near the tracks that would carry the royal train to Caernarfon Castle, icon of imperial domination over the Crown’s first colony.  Charles was crowned; as crowds of his countrymen cheered, “MAC2’s chief bomb-maker, Sgt. John Jenkins, providing dental care for the troops on ceremonial duty, “ was the perfect mole, “at other times wandering around Caernarfon and being abused by locals on account of his uniform.” (127)

The next day, July 2, 1969, nine of Jenkins’ FWA comrades were sentenced. Griffiths alone refused what Evans and Coslett promised the court: to distance themselves from militant activity. They kept their word. A year later, Jenkins was captured and sentenced to ten years imprisonment. He refused to name his accomplices. 

Faced with these men’s actions, Humphries examines if they were terrorists. He admits that “for all its eccentricities and blurred message,” their restrained response constituted the “only authentic Welsh uprising since Owain Glyndŵr.” (146) However, the caricaturing of Welsh republicans as “mad dogs,” Alsatians aside, contributed to the media’s defeat of nationalist-fueled radicalism. The language issue was left to Cymdeithas yr Iaith Gymraeg, and many who fought for Welsh freedom lacked fluency in a language foreign to their upbringing. The political base, furthermore, never was allowed to emerge, unlike Sinn Féin’s role for the IRA. Republican traditions emerged more from the southern valleys as opposed to Y Fro Gymraeg, the Welsh-speaking northern and western heartlands under cultural assault. 

Welsh saboteurs lacked the popular if again reticent support afforded those a decade later. After the momentous defeat of devolution in 1979, shadowy guerrillas, as Meibion Glyndŵr, rallied under cover of darkness. For a third time this century, a few Welsh asserted themselves. Their linguistic heartland faded. Wealthier English bought its quaint dwellings, “Sons of” this leader (who resisted Westminster for fifteen years after declaring himself in 1400 Prince of Wales), decided to fight back with fire.  

Contrasted with those who took the fall for the pipeline bombings and attacks on buildings in the 1960s, why were any arsonists undetected for another ten years? They had clandestine backing, Humphries reasons, from the people. Folk heroes rather than incendiaries, they were not feared-- as were the 1960s bombers-- for importing leftist revolution.  Invented for Northern Ireland, the Prevention of Terrorism Act brought down its force upon Welsh suspects; again many were taken in without cause. The perpetrators eluded the law. Over two hundred holiday and second homes (often turned permanent residences, thus undermining Welsh culture even more) were burned over twelve years. 

Dignity despite destruction permeates this story. Imagine protests during the 1960s elsewhere with such polite signs as Capel Cefyn’s residents carried to Liverpool in vain: “Your homes are safe. Save ours. Do not drown our homes.” Or, “Please Liverpool, be a great city not a big bully.” (17) After the first attacks on homes in 1979, a note written in ballpoint pen was found:

“The houses were burnt with great sadness. We are not ferocious men. It was an act of despair. The rural areas are being destroyed all over these islands. Wales is our concern. These homes are out of reach of local people because of the economic situation. We call upon individuals of goodwill to take action before these sorry steps take place.” (qtd. 163) 

Emyr Humphreys sought to escape by fiction his homeland’s strife but his mythic models revived within his novels’ depictions of his neighbors and colleagues, caught in an anglicizing land that meant the author himself had to use “the language of the oppressor” to speak on behalf of his Celtic tribe. For a second author with nearly the same surname, also raised in an assimilated Welsh home and working for London’s mouthpiece, the “paper of record” in the Welsh capital, a similar journey back to the heartland occurs. Humphries does wander, during the 1980s, into his own entertaining but digressive stints abroad as a foreign correspondent, but he comes back to his homeland in 1988 aware that swerves away from the anglicized complacency of the Anglo-Welsh establishment may represent renewal. Under Margaret Thatcher’s closing of the mines and privatization of steel, the Welsh workers capitulated, as despair fueled reaction vs. resignation. One-third of North Walians are English-born.  Cohesive communities-- to where Lewis and Humphreys as young men had left their cities to learn Welsh-- have dispersed. 

Humphries closes his study integrating his own reflections. His own transformation from editor for a pro-British, anti-Walian Cardiff newspaper into a critic of Westminster demonstrates a telling shift. He supports Welsh autonomy and welcomes his grandson, raised speaking Cymraeg. He critiques the pacifism of Plaid Cymru’s Gwynfor Evans as “fundamentally incompatible with Welsh freedom.” (191) Whereas Emyr Humphries shared with Evans and Lewis the traditional non-conformist avowal of a Christian socialism (an aspect deserving here as with Green more than a cursory nod) refusing to countenance rebellion by armed means, Humphreys allies himself with those tired of Plaid’s careful retreat into quietism. He backs (if for awhile) Cymru Annibynnol/ Independent Wales Party and its refusal to support the 2001 census which denied Welsh their ability to tick a box for their identity. 

This editor, now retired from the fray, ends with a recapitulation of flashpoints for Welsh resistance. In-migration from England, the concomitant reduction of the Welsh-speaking heartlands, and the recurring water demands from its larger, thirstier neighbor add up. They summarize grim assurances that the seven million sterling spent to crush a few dozen rebels in the 1960s may pale before the costs accrued by those complicit in cultural, linguistic, political, and ecological destruction of a long-exploited nation.

Slightly revised and altered for Amazon US 8-14-12:Freedom Fighters and  Emyr Humphries

Wednesday, July 13, 2011

Ronald Hutton's "Blood & Mistletoe": Book Review

As the leading social historian of pagan movements today, Professor Hutton explores how the Druids, from the scant literary accounts left by their foes and by the few material traces left by themselves, have been interpreted over 2,000 years. He focuses upon their appropriation as cultural symbols, for better or worse, by the English, Welsh, and Scots. They have presented these ancient practitioners of wisdom and magic as demonic, romantic, proto-Protestant, anti-Catholic, death-obsessed, and/or socialist.

This broad array of categories demonstrates both the scope of the research necessary to uncover such traces in the British imagination, and the skill with which Dr. Hutton applies his understanding of historical bias and wish fulfillment to all who seek to claim or condemn the Druids as ancestors of the island’s three major nations.

Frequently, Professor Hutton notes how he had to condense an already massive study. This expands his popular 2007 study, and the endnotes, small print, and the elevated tone (leavened by humor as with his other books) do not detract from its readability for an audience committed to the advanced degree of both sympathy and distance which the author brings to his project.

He has gained in past work the cooperation of those who, as neo-Pagans, his own research has helped to challenge in terms of their own “origin myths.” Professor Hutton should earn again the respect of those open minds within the pagan community for his honesty, acumen, and fairness.

Blood & Mistletoe reminds us of the manner in which historians carry into the past their own present preoccupations. As a case study in the reconstruction of a barely-glimpsed group for whom linguistic or archeological evidence remains notoriously perplexing, the way in which scholars as well as seekers have labored to recreate the Druids in the images of their own ages and mentalities serves as its own testament to history’s inherent bias.

As soon as the Druids were introduced by such as Julius Caesar and Tacitus to their Roman audience, the priest(esse)s were caricatured as wise magicians (mistletoe) or barbarian butchers (blood). As with the Scottish highlanders or Native Americans cleared off their lands only then to be celebrated by their colonial conquerors, so, Professor Hutton demonstrates, the Druids were romanticized by the Romans after they had been castigated as savages. The evidence for an Iron Age Druid as selected from surviving later Celtic texts combined with archeological data, Dr. Hutton asserts, becomes warped by “the instincts, attitudes, context, and loyalties” of the interpreter.

Tracking the next 16 centuries, Dr. Hutton surveys the building of the legend. Historians, he explains, tend to follow a “hard” approach that favors a bold intervention by a person who shakes up the world, or a “soft” one that follows the cultural, political, and social shifts whose dramatic results may be delayed until the right person comes along. For this tale, William Stukeley follows the latter definition. His attempts to interpret the stone circles and monuments that puzzled the British ensured his popularity. He began by claiming a less Christian framework for their construction, but his increasing piety then led him to shift his argument. Either way, his influence persists even today among certain—if decidedly “alternative”—adepts.

Iolo Morganwg, the name assumed by Edward Williams later in the 18th century, follows Stukeley. The chapter on his checkered career as a “wayward genius” as determined to forge a future for the Welsh who resisted Anglicization and British imperial control shimmer with insight. It displays Professor Hutton’s command of complexity, for Iolo’s mission confounded a nation. Morganwg tainted the medieval Welsh-language sources he claimed to discover and edit. He ensured that the culturally threatened Welsh people would be trapped in their recovery of their own history as one in which truth and falsehood had been intermingled by him over decades, in ways so intricate that it took many years and considerable scholarship by experts to correct for some of the forgeries he crafted as claims of archaic Welsh rituals, legends, and occult practices.

However, from his entry into the historical record, Morganwg also inspired his fellow men and women to reclaim the practices of the Druids as they imagined them to have been carried out long ago. The traditions, albeit invented ones, have energized Welsh-language culture ever since. These also influenced the Georgian and Romantic poets and scholars who across Western Europe as well as in Scotland and England struggled to build frameworks based on Celtic and Scandinavian myth, the classic texts, and the Bible “in which to contain the early European past.”

When science emerged with Darwin to undermine biblical models of progress, antiquarians and then archeologists rushed in. By their own cultural assumptions via “explanatory models” stamped by their own time and place, they intruded heavily upon the same limited, fragile, evidence.

For nearly a century and a half, English figures of white-clad Druids (assembled as spiritual practitioners and as mutual support societies) have concocted their own ceremonies, fashions, and origins, based on Stukeley, Morganwg, and the nearly as challenging countercultural characters from long before the hippie era, first the formidably eccentric William Price and later the Universal Bond as headed by the intransigent George Watson MacGregor Reid. Price and Reid intriguingly shared a determination to legalize cremation, one of the many byways that this book reveals as it delves into the underbrush of British popular culture and social change from progressive and dissident forces. From the 1920s onward, the spiritualist and then New Age movements also overlapped with those who called themselves Druids, harbingers of change.

The familiar processions chanting around Stonehenge and similar Stone Age sites, as Dr. Hutton shows in English Victorian and early 20th century commemorations, have become less the radical, secular, or early countercultural protests they appeared to traditional Christians and more, by the advent of the rock-and-roll era, a sign of British tradition against modernity.

Full of anachronism, nevertheless these Druids came to stand for an enduring summer solstice tradition of their own. This modern invention on June 21st has persisted, on if often off, since the 1860s.

Even as the Bible was discredited and Darwin deified by many who shared the leftist mindsets of many Druid adherents, problems persisted among those who claimed to correct earlier misinterpretations. Popular perceptions a hundred years ago settled upon a romantic, Celtic visualization; secular scientists looked not to the Bible itself but to the same Middle Eastern roots for a civilization that dispersed its lore across the world, all the way to pre-Roman Britain. Professor Hutton incorporates his own knowledge of recent scholarship and his schooling with some leading scholars who proclaimed this model of diffusion from a far-off land of knowledge.

This section bogged down with intricate debates among archeologists, but even at its densest, the range of sources and energy brought to this project displays the professor’s sharp mind and generous spirit. The novelty of the Druids whose archives he scours appears to have lessened, despite the charges kept alive by a few reactionary Christians of their murderous sacrifices of babies, prisoners, and criminals.

I admit with surprise that recent film treatments such as The Wicker Man were not analyzed, and as the professor admits, nearly nothing seems oddly to remain extant of memoirs or accounts by the common folks who joined the Druid organizations in the past few centuries. However, this is already a substantial, long, and very detailed book.

Finally, Professor Hutton shows the mingling of those who speak for and then as the Druids—Stukeley, Morganwg, Reid foremost—as also those who make up its rogues’ gallery. Mingled deceit and honesty persists in this clever trio. They all provoked controversy and then shunned the limelight once public opinion fanned by prejudice or ridicule turned against them. Later, it edged toward them, attesting to their own adroit manipulation of a certain kind of media magic.

Secrecy endures as the ultimate legacy of this mysterious movement, then as now. Professor Hutton has uncovered and shared with us all he is able to in a book of 500 learned but accessible pages. It should remain the definitive source, not on the Druids about whom we know so few facts, but on those who claim in their homelands to remain true to their enigmatic but compelling spirit, thousands of years later. (Featured May 10, 2011 at the New York Journal of Books)

Friday, September 25, 2009

Aneurin Gareth Thomas' "Luggage from Elsewhere": Book Review

This coming-of-age story spans 1966-82, narrated by a Welsh lad embittered by poverty, colonialism, nuclear threats, sex, drugs, overdoses, murder, and rain. While familiar ingredients in a standard recipe, Thomas does add sobering, poetic observations that enrich the tale. For readers interested in Wales in the "nuclear age", the hippie and punk movements, Thatcherism, and activism, this may prove a worthwhile selection.

In a society where females have only two choices: girl or mother, the narrator's maudlin Mam takes until menopause to become a woman. Her husband, a militantly and comically atheistic womanizer, with his mates down the pub "talked about the future as if there wasn't going to be one." (41) Welsh men later will earn pithy definition: machines converting beer into sperm.

The chapters of the tale told by the nameless narrator unfold out of order. Throughout, it's nearly always dreary. "Greyness wasn't only a colour in those days but a transparent substance that wafted day and night around our streets, a Passover curse that came calling through the keyhole, wandered about the house looking for grey matter, and on entering the brain, turned thoughts and feelings grey." (231)

Nature offers scant escape. One must conjure up one's dreams out of the daily grind. "Below an oil tanker stationed in the distance looked like a castle on a flat blue horizon. Seaweed washed up and dried under the sun as snakeskins. Foam met the grey-green of the sea. I walked along the shore among the sea's bones, passing boys my age playing at being younger with a plastic beach ball carried over the heads of a young family. A woman alone hoping for a lifeguard to stroke oil over her back, whisk her glasses and scarf away and take her back to when she was twenty. Men playing cards and holding in their stomachs, thinking if only the scarf would ask." (138)

The narrator thunders against complacency, the resignation of his people. As a teenager, he's threatened by English gentry for poaching trout in the river of a nation where he thought he could walk freely. As a young adult, he wanders to a hippie camp, but there he finds lassitude as the campers wait for mushrooms to grow under the torrential clouds. Idealism inspires him, desperately. "Our first act was to write on a wall next to the bank on High Street Gorseinon the slogan 'Nid Yw Cymru Ar Werth'. Wales Is Not For Sale." (189) However, they "only got as far as writing NID YW CYMRU before being interrupted and we ran off." The partial slogan stands a few months as testimony to their bravery: it's rendered in English as "WALES IS NOT."

Wales under Thatcher drives the narrator and three friends to lash out. As Bore Coch ("Red Morning"), they issue a manifesto written in English, laboriously translated into Welsh, and back to English. "The last thing we wanted was to sound like an amateurish group that represented nobody and faked the Welsh, which was precisely what we were." (202-3) Nobody prints it.

Later, he will try another slogan which will wind him up in jail. He reflects there on his town, and the Welsh promise of his youth: "Where the children played, the next generation numbed the brain with pinpricks before the comedown of bus shelters covered in porn." (286) While the narrative for my tastes closed far too suddenly, perhaps the new novel by Thomas, titled "Excess Baggage," will continue the story.
(Posted to Amazon U.S. and Britain 9-25-09)

Thursday, September 24, 2009

Grahame Davies' "Everything Must Change": Book Review

"She was sick of living like a character in a morality play." Simone Weil's story of her strange self-martyrdom for her mystical ideal of a community she felt exiled from by her very existence, during WWII, has been often told. Grahame Davies expands his Welsh novel, based on his study of Weil, to dramatize her own abnegation alongside that of Meinwen Jones, a contemporary Welsh-language activist, who like Weil feels the tug of rootedness and the agony as one of "Capitalism's sulky runaway children." (214)

Novels of ideas that engage you with convincing characters, realistic events, and a touch of sharp satire along with humanist compassion: very rare. Davies never loses grasp of his complicated narrative juggling as he shows you with wit and insight the costs of sacrificing your life for an ideal. This book flows: every sentence fits.

Neither preachy nor pat, Davies brings a vividly rendered eye and a sharp ear to how we delude ourselves as we compromise youthful ideals so as to survive. As Meinwen's told late on, charm can better challenge, and promotion can triumph where protest may fail. She's let in on this by a Tory politician-- who gains as fair a treatment as does she-- similarly a Fascist student and a German cabbie who voted for Hitler emerge as human as a Dominican priest and a right-wing Christian leader will for Simone. Davies even-handedly observes among a cast of compellingly drawn characters the tensions between giving in and holding out that-- to a limit-- Simone and Meinwen share, while as a storyteller he filters their own strong convictions through those around them who cannot sacrifice themselves for a rarified ideology.

Simone works at a Renault factory but sees it more as if her laboring guide's a Virgil to her Dante; on a farm she marvels at a Van Gogh-like Provencal landscape that her hosts certainly have never seen in any museum. She's always at a remove from her world. She loves it, but she feels the scenes she savors would be fresher if removed from her taint, her sight, her presence. The same dissatisfaction with the body-mind problem, the surrender to the ordinary, the duty to be sensible drives Meinwen to political resistance. Her deep unhappiness stems from the same idealism, but she lacks Simone's curiously unorthodox Catholic vision. As the daughter of two Jews who rejected their faith, her father an atheist and her mother a Catholic convert, Simone's labeled as one of a "race" she tries to reject. Yet, she cannot enter the Church. She stands apart from all she admires. Fittingly, she will be buried on the border of a cemetery, between the Christian and Jewish sections.

Meinwen once hung with other activists in the Welsh Language Movement; for a while in the '80s they tried to separate and live against capitalism by supporting local businesses. Yet, flyblown shops run by old women vanish; inferior products in village stores lure customers to slick global chains; few can afford to live off the land as real estate skyrockets and only the English can buy up the family farms.

An activist's car sums up the hopes of a Celtic, leftist, anarchic Welsh scheme. "The only thing holding it up seemed to be the stickers: Kernow; Breizh; Nuclear Energy? No Thanks; Stop the War; Not in My Name. Words like 'No', 'Not', 'Stop' and 'Never' were prominent on these fading signs of adherence, recording, as they did, a series of attempts, most of them failed, to prevent things from happening. The back of Mei's car was a social history of Welsh radicalism." (204)

The larger tale of how Wales under siege by anglicization is a long one; what's new now is the rate of deracination of the Welsh-speaking heartlands as English home-buyers flood in to pay as the highest bidders for affordable rural splendor. Farms wither, locals emigrate to towns, and their children leave for cities. New Age Celts, patronizing settlers, and Celt-aping crusties fill the valleys. Meinwen lives in the old manse next to a closed chapel, which is bought by spiritual healers from Cheshire playing a didgeridoo. They erase, literally, the signs of the old Nonconformist church's communal and ancestral markers.

Cardiff grows in Welsh speakers, yet without a rural base for culture, can urbane Cymru replace what closed chapels, resentful natives, and displaced incomers call the rest of Wales as it turns a weekend retreat, a bedroom suburb of Merseyside or Bristol? Around an affluent Welsh-speaking cafe, the old landscapes hang as pictures. The customers thrive on media ties, grant money, and investment schemes meant to rescue Wales, but how much success the ordinary people gain's rather suspect. The yuppies boast of Thai holidays, pitches, goods, money. The abandoned vistas of their grandparents hang silently: "All safely preserved under glass."

The relevance of Christian pacifism, the difficulty of protecting land values while allowing for a free market, the longing for roots, and the yearning for fulfillment: these in tangential and direct ways join Simone's campaigns with Meinwen's. Simone's words are recalled by Meinwen: "Whoever is uprooted uproots others. Whoever is rooted himself does not uproot others." (196) Davies does not overdo their many parallels. He frees his plot from a slavish capitulation of one woman's determination as yoked to the other. This eases the heady quality of much of this readable and engrossing presentation of two women's prickly, combative, yet appealingly lofty and admirably noble mindsets. They may be crackpots in the eyes of society, but from such visionaries, legacies endure that may better those who follow. Or, they may warp and crush their weakened standard bearers.

Weil late on left a message worth hearing. Her brilliance confused her confidantes. It shows her mix of earnest evangelism and otherworldly concern. She sought a French-Hellenic-Christian purging of capitalism. Influenced by anarcho-syndicalism, Simone envisioned an intellectual's utopia where ennobled workers could share wisdom, not merely to be worn out by fatigue into foolish drinking or brainless games. This goal may reflect her worldly detachment, but she did try in her adult life to care for, as well as identify, with those less fortunate. Speaking eight languages, she could have been a professor. She chose rather a single woman's mission, in the service of an organic yet ethereal philosophy reified as a tireless if enigmatic vocation.

Here's a typical expression of Simone's mature thought. "No human being should be deprived of what the Greeks named the metaxu, things seen as bridges between the temporal world and the timeless: those relative and mixed blessings, such as home, nation, traditions, culture, which provide warmth and nourishment for the soul and without which, unless one is a saint, human life is impossible..." (250) Simone did strive for sainthood, outside a Christian baptism, estranged from her attenuated Judaism. Meinwen searches daily to recover a Welsh-speaking culture that will sustain her native land and enrich those who live in it, by a language older than English.

The deftness with which Davies evokes the clash of high motives with mundane demands makes the novel lighter, for Simone can be abrupt, abrasive, and lacking in nearly all social graces; Meinwen wonders if she can learn to temper her own isolated devotion. Whether or not she can ease up, or whether she will eerily follow Simone's own self-starvation in a confused attempt to become more saintly in her purified commitment remains for you to discover. (Posted 9-24-09 to British and U.S. Amazon, speaking of global chains...) [Author's website]

Wednesday, March 4, 2009

John Davies' "A History of Wales": Book Review


Just over seven-hundred pages in paperback, this updated narrative spans it all, from prehistory to devolution. Its bulk belies its often remarkable readability. Translated in 1993 by the author from the 1990 Welsh-language edition, with an eleventh chapter added to the 2007 revision, Davies' coverage keeps energy and verve despite an inevitable recital of lots of names, dates, statistics, and data.

This makes it a challenge, naturally, to read straight through-- if with many breaks! Still, as a reference, my copy's filled with notations now. While the lack of footnotes or a bibliography (due to the length of the body of the text already) may discourage researchers slightly, the value of a one-volume, thorough, and accessible work remains inestimable to scholars and a wider audience both.

Davies keeps a winningly low-key presence. As a skilled interpreter, he presents heaps of evidence through which he's sifted the wheat from the chaff. The labor must have been immense. He gives you material, and then steps back to sum it up in a striking phrase now and then, as an experienced lecturer may do. "The nation of the Welsh was conceived on the death-bed of the Roman Empire; it was born in the excitement of the 'Age of Saints' but its infancy was meagre and lonely. Yet, as shall be seen, it would have an exhilarating adolescence." (77) So ends the chapter on the early medieval period-- one of the most difficult to explain based on the least evidence, but a section I found captivating.

Although Davies never explains this directly, he organizes each chapter around the rhetorical device of a triad-- commonly used in old Welsh as a memory aid for bards. While this remains rather subtle, it's a clever nod to the past legacy that sustains the present exploration of what it means to be Welsh, always defined as both the oldest British and, as the terms warp, a "foreigner" in one's own homeland. This challenge remains. The last chapter looks at incomers and how they've transformed "y Gymru Gymraeg"-- the formerly Welsh-speaking heartland. "Pont," a "bridge" program aimed at newcomers to teach them about local culture, rests on a shaky metaphor: "the essence of a bridge is that the piers on either side are of equal strength; that was hardly true of the pier of Englishness and the pier of Welshness." (689)

Speaking of architecture, many tourists today, along with the "heritage industry," romanticize old fortifications. Davies, typically, balances his judgment.
"The castles can be considered to be shameful memorials to the subjugation of the Welsh-- 'the magnificent badges of our subjection' as Thomas Pennant put it. Yet, when it is considered that the medieval military architect's science and art at the height of their development were necessary to ensure that subjection, the castles may be seen as a tribute to the tenacity of the resistance of the Welsh, as eloquent testimony to the immensity of the task of uprooting from Wales the rule of the Welsh." (167)

This exemplifies the depth of this study. Davies cites a telling phrase from a venerable scholar two hundred years previous to him. He acknowledges its truth, while circling around it for a fresh perspective that confirms its necessity while directing our attention to its opposite, or complimentary in more peaceful times, corollary. And, he strives for fair-mindedness rather than jingoism or revisionism.

For such legends and identities last long in Wales. Treating a period of tranquility within an often fractious later medieval period of increasingly English-inflicted domination, Davies notes how myths played a dual role in exacerbating wrath and reconciling defeat. Myths "were a cry against the extinction of identity and against the tyranny of fact." (180)

Later, Davies relates the gradual capitulation to imperial rule, and the often enthusiastic participation by the Welsh in the colonial enterprises at home and abroad. Imbued with Non-Conformist and even pacifist Christian tendencies, the Welsh proved rather an anomaly in more recent centuries. Their literacy rates soared as the Bible was translated into the people's native tongue, and this education prepared them better than other Celts, perhaps, to face the assaults of modernity and industrialization that kept many Welsh at home rather than forcing them to emigrate. So many that at one point about half of all the workers in Wales directly or indirectly depended on King Coal. He sums up the change: "In Merthyr, even a labourer owned a watch." (340)

The century of mining domination is introduced by a particularly masterful seventh chapter that ties together dozens of threads into a rich tapestry of rebellion, technology, language, worship, and politics in the early 1800s. While I found myself a bit glazed by the subsequent treatment of Gladstone and Liberals-- the book here as in sections closer to our times does get heavily weighed down by parliamentarian election results and inter-party contentions-- I was roused by the chapter on the early 20th century. Davies seems to revive and his pace quickens.

Radicalism and Christian values contended and co-existed in complex fashions in modern times. Conservatism influenced the nature of the language movement, as advocates sometimes argued that Cymraeg shielded its speakers from harmful foreign ideas. Others urged anglicization as a remedy for poverty and a charm for wealth. Unlike Ireland, the factions for independence by violent means were few, and generally the Welsh have accepted their position, Davies charts, within a kingdom as a principality, rather than as a polity demanding separation by language or ideology. Here, Davies seems to align with Gwyn A. Williams, whose "When Was Wales?" (1983; reviewed by me here and on Amazon US last month) sets out a similar understanding.

Of course, whereas Williams concluded in the first term of Thatcher, Davies continues the saga through the collapse of mining, the rise to nearly half (as of 2003) of all births being out of wedlock, and the increasing visibility of Welsh-language media and English-language usage. He contrasts in the last chapter many ramifications of the narrow decision to accept in 1997 a degree of limited self-rule that was trounced in 1979. He leaves us with a survey of a more diverse, less Welsh-Wales-centered constituency in this region. One where the areas nearest the borders hold most of its people, often in defiance of stereotypes peddled by the Welsh themselves, it's an intriguingly perplexing realm. It's the oldest remaining bastion of Britishness, one marginalized, determined, and always, it seems, somehow declining while reviving.

Sunday, March 1, 2009

Niall Griffiths interview at AmeriCymru


Celebrating daffodils on St. David's Day, national holiday for Wales, here's a discussion with one of my favorite authors, a Liverpudlian novelist of half-Welsh, half-Irish parentage. Known more for the former than the latter genetic inheritance, at least as concentrated in his nervy, funny, and harrowing fiction that often explores the tension between incomer and native, his often hapless, yet still rather heroic, children of the rave and lager, disco and drugs scenes instigate a new series of incursions. These disaffected youths wander in rattling sub-compacts, hitching rides or waiting by dismal petrol stations. Loaded on cans of beer and packets of crisps, fingers greasy with chips, hands stained by nicotine, fumbling across not the Marches so much as down the road past Wrexham that separates Cymry Cymraeg, Welsh-speaking heartlands, from English-dominant everywhere else.

I've enjoyed his début, the massive and as I guessed vaguely (as all first novels seem to be) semi-autobiographical "Grits." This 2000 text delved into the human detritus left by hedonism in the backwash, geologically and morally, of the Thatcher era. The strip-mall, mercury-lit, beach resort grime sinks into this narrative, and the squalor of squatters on the dole contrasted with the ecstasy on E energizes and dissipates. It's probably one of the best recent attempts I've read (not that I've found many) to explore the highs and lows of the psychedelic experience, at least as I imagine in my innocence how such could be!

He followed with a novel that earned him a comparison that's dogged him, however well intended, with Scots contemporary Irvine Welsh, with "Sheepshagger" (2001). Without spoiling the plot, the inclusion of molestation, which to me seems too often an easy plot contrivance, only slightly lessens the power of this work, perhaps his most renowned. It's a savage and poetic tale, fitting the mountains where its battles unfold. Allegorical without losing touch with the everyday, it's a work I recommend. Griffiths began as a poet, and like Gerard Donovan, the Irish novelist from a similar start, his craft benefits from this apprenticeship.

"Kelly + Victor" (2002) shifts to a gentrifying Liverpool and the S&M relationship of a young pair of lovers who try to make a living amidst the yuppie boom, marginalized from the prosperity of the millennium's turn. While intriguing, it's quite relentlessly clinical. Told in the first half from one side and then the other, the fictional diptych fits together as snugly as the couple, at least on a good night. Technically a bit more daring, it may satisfy those wanting more psychological tension; while I prefer his other works, "K + V" marks his mature determination to apply the panoramic eye to Liverpool as he already has for Wales.

His hometown's half-criminal element also features in the next pair of novels, "Stump" (2003) & "Wreckage" (2005), which make a wonderful tag-team, as they track a couple of clueless amateurs in the aftermath of a roadside heist that leads them into the chemical underground, so to say, of big-city cartels. The conclusion of "Stump" reminds me of a comedy about crooks that ends perfectly. The fact that it doesn't for those involved spawns the rare sequel that equals its predecessor. There's marvelously related fights, conversations that rival Beckett, and the balance between humor and pathos Griffiths handles with increasing ease.

In the interview, Griffiths tells about "Runt" (2006), not seen yet by me. His novels don't get widely published abroad, and invariably I hear about them long after they're out! It's told from a young girl's perspective in her words, so this marks a departure from the voice that often relies on a indirect free and omniscient p-o-v. Griffiths deserves acclaim, and I've championed all of his previous works on Amazon US. He's also prepared books on "Real Aberystwyth"--where he lives now-- and "Real Liverpool." Another book (I reckon a novel?), "Ten Pound Pom," from its title sounds promising, being slated for print this year.

He seems, so far from my five lengthy encounters, to be improving and streamlining his style. It's his intelligent, inquiring analysis that seeks to burrow into the mind and consciousness of those less intelligent, less inquiring who manage to blurt out their stories to you: a difficult feat to pull off convincingly. His enthusiasm for writing-- as you glimpse in this interview-- should inspire you to seek out his enlightening yet entertaining books.

Link: "Interview with Niall Griffiths". Photo: Instead of the one publicity shot that's ubiquitous and that I already used when reviewing "Wreckage" here earlier, I found this of a Finnish translation. Can't tell what, but 2008's mentioned in the blurb. It best captures his typical character's louche (second time that adjective came in handy this week) aplomb. P.S. Dydd Gŵyl Dewi Hapus! Happy St. David's Day.